Celebration of Cuban bàtá percussion: the 80th anniversary of an historic concert in Havana (English/ Español abajo)

(image courtesy of María Fernanda Ortiz)

“Object of veneration and worship by some, defiled and prohibited by others; considered as messenger of the gods and embodiment of the ancestors in the black religions of Cuba; victim of kidnapping and stabbings by reactionary and racist authorities, the fate of the drum has run parallel to that of blacks, their creators par excellence.” (Rogelio Martínez-Furé, 1979).

On May 30, 1937, musicians Pablo Roche “Akilakua,” Águedo Morales, and Jesús Pérez “Oba Ilú,” appeared on stage in Havana, presented by scholar Fernando Ortiz. Being the first time Lukumí initiates performed bàtá percussion outside a ritual context, this event set the course for the integration of this West African cultural form into Cuban national identity, in a process that Fernando Ortiz called ‘transculturation’.

In West Africa, bi-membraned bàtá drums were traditionally played for both the Òrìṣà Ṣàngó, deity of thunder and justice, and the Egungun ‘ancestor’ masquerades in the city-state of Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé. In the 1830s, with the collapse of Old-Ọ̀yọ́, thousands of Yorùbá-speaking culture bearers were forcibly migrated to the Caribbean. In Cuba, the bàtá drummer’s guild was established and passed on by Yorùbá-speaking migrants like Àtàndá, Añabí and Adéṣínà in the early 1800s, developing exclusively in the port cities of Havana and Matanzas. An integral part of communal ceremonial life, the bàtá drum ensemble was kept hidden because of colonial repression until the 1937 concert. From then onwards, the bàtá drum entered national consciousness through radio programs, fusion with popular music and theatrical folklore performances. About bàtá performance, Ortiz wrote:

“The soloist (called akpuón) begins the song . . . and the choir (called ankorí) responds in the same tone. But the drumming does not accompany the songs. One could say that the drums sing on their own and the choir interweaves with them. In reality the drums, above all the iyá, ‘talk’, order and guide the singers, who only support them with their voices.” (Fernando Ortiz 1954).

In 2017, on the 80^th anniversary of the foundational event in Havana, we celebrate the cultural victory of prestigious African-descendants whose efforts over several generations have resulted in the globalization of this tradition.

L-R: Michele, Yunior, Yosvany, Sandy, Román, Mauricio.           I. Miller photo

Performers:

Bàtá drums: From Cuba - ‘Román’ Díaz, Olúbàtá, of Havana; ‘Sandy’ Pérez, Omóañá, of Matanzas; Mauricio Herrera, Omóañá, of Holguin. 
Piano:  Michele Rosewoman, of New York City.

Voice: Vanessa ‘Ayaba’ Lindberg, of Gloucester, Massachusetts.

Bass: Yunior Terry, of Camagüey, Cuba.

Saxophone and chekeré: Yosvany Terry, of Camagüey, Cuba.

Original idea, research and writing: Dr. Ivor L. Miller, of Amherst, MA.

Thanks to Deena Anderson, Professor Alejandro De La Fuente, Cary García, Ivor Miller, Eva Rosenberg, and Yosvany Terry for helping to organize this event. Sponsored at Harvard University by the Cuba Studies Program, David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies; The Afro-Latin American Research Institute at the Hutchins Center; The Center for African Studies; El Observatorio de Cervantes at Harvard University; El Instituto Cervantes.

Celebración de la percusión del bàtá cubano: El octogésimo aniversario de un concierto histórico en La Habana

“Objeto de veneración y culto por unos, profanado y prohibido por otros; considerado como mensajero de los dioses y encarnación de los antepasados en las religiones negras de Cuba; víctima de secuestros y acuchillamientos por autoridades reaccionarias y racistas, la suerte del tambor ha corrido paralela a la del negro, su creador por excelencia.” (Rogelio Martínez-Furé, 1979).

El 30 de mayo de 1937, los músicos Pablo Roche “Akilakua,” Águedo Morales, y Jesús Pérez “Oba Ilú,” fueron presentados en La Habana por el erudito Fernando Ortiz. Fue la primera vez que iniciados Lukumí tocaron percusión bàtá fuera del contexto ritual, este evento marcó el proceso de la integración de esta forma de cultura de África occidental en la identidad nacional cubana, el proceso que Fernando Ortiz llamó ‘transculturación’.

En África occidental, los bàtá bimembranófonos se tocaban tradicionalmente para el Òrìṣà Ṣàngó, deidad del trueno y la justicia, y las mascaradas Egungun ‘ancestros’ en la ciudad-estado de Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé. En 1830, con el derrumbe del Viejo-Ọ̀yọ́, miles de portadores de la cultura Yorùbá fueron llevados a la fuerza al Caribe. En Cuba, el gremio bàtá fue establecido y trasmitido por Yorùbá natales como Àtàndá, Añabí y Adéṣínà a comienzo de 1800, desarrollándose exclusivamente en las ciudades portuarias de La Habana y Matanzas. Siendo una parte integral de la vida comunitaria, la orquesta del tambor bàtá se mantenía escondida frente a la represión colonial hasta el concierto en 1937. Desde entonces, los tambores bàtá entraron a la conciencia nacional a través de programas de radio, la fusión con la música popular y espectáculos folklóricos en teatros. Ortiz escribió sobre el toque de los bàtá lo siguiente:

 “El solista antifonero (denominado akpuón) inicia o ‘levanta’ el canto . . . y el coro (denominado ankorí) le responde en el mismo tono de aquél. Pero los tamboreos no son acompañamiento de cantos. Diríase que los ‘tambores’ cantan por sí y que con ellos se entreteje el coral. Son en realidad los ‘tambores’, sobre todo el ‘iyá’, los que ‘hablan’, ordenan y dirigen a los cantadores, quienes no hacen sino secundarlos con sus voces.” (Fernando Ortiz 1954).

En 2017, en el octogésimo aniversario de este evento fundacional en La Habana, celebramos la victoria cultural de los prestigiosos descendientes de africanos cuyos esfuerzos por varias generaciones han resultado en la globalización de esta tradición.

 

Vanessa 'Ayaba', lead voice.          I. Miller photo

The Masked Theater of Cuban Abakuá: Communication by Gestures, Costumes and Chants

Cubans and Cameroonians share Ékpè-Abakuá heritage at Smith College. Patricia González photo

Link to video of the Ekpe-Abakua-Piano performance

This was a very productive first year for our NEH funded translation project, “Lydia Cabrera’s ‘The Sacred Language of the Abakua’ and its West African Sources.” We created a draft translation, we identified cultural experts in Nigeria and Cameroon to help with interpretation of Cabrera’s text, and we traveled to Nigeria, Cameroon and Cuba for research. In Calabar, Ivor Miller identified several Nigerian consultants who could help in the interpretation of Abakuá terms, then audio recorded their utterances so that Victor Manfredi could began etymological analysis. Patricia González and Miller presented on the Cabrera project to the Faculty of Arts at the University of Calabar, where the faculty and students seemed to be in awe of the survival of Cross River region linguistic and cultural heritage in Cuba. We also traveled to the University of Buea in southwest Cameroon to present the Cabrera project to colleagues, because this is part of the cultural area shared with Calabar. Present at our lecture was the University Vice-Chancellor, the Registrar, the Head of the Department of History, and many students, whom we thank profusely. The travel to Nigeria and Cameroon has proven invaluable to understand the underlying cultural context of the Cuban Abakuá material.

To celebrate and disseminate our achievements, we organized a public presentation of this project at Smith College, where on 22 September, 2016, we presented Cabrera’s Abakuá text as a living language:

Photographs and Research by Ivor Miller; design by Julian Lustig-González

At Smith College, González discussed Lydia Cabrera and the translation process, Miller discussed Abakuá history and its West African sources, while Manfredi presented the results of his linguistic analysis.

Victor Manfredi presents an analysis of an Abakuá phrase in Cabrera's book

The highlight was surely the six Cuban participants who came from Miami, New York City, and Boston, as well as two Cameroonian Ékpè chiefs from Washington D.C., who discussed and performed several examples of texts documented by Cabrera. The Cuban and Cameroonian participants demonstrated easy recognition of shared cultural traits and language in their performance of song, percussion and dance. Another highlight was Vanessa Lindberg's performance of the Bríkamo songs of Matanzas, illustrating the presence of women in Cuban “Carabalí” culture.

Cuban Íreme "purifies" the communal space at Smith College (Carroll Room, Campus Center). Patricia González photo

Our distinguished participants were:
Mr. Mforkem M. Asam-Eyong of Fumbe community, Manyu Division, S.W. Cameroon (Bayang-speaking people). In Ékpè, his title is Etem Etem Ntui in the Bero-Nteng Ékpè lodge (Etem Etem Nuti is the second in command after the Seseku of the lodge). He currently lives in Washington, D.C.

‘Román’ Díaz of Havana. Formerly of Yoruba Andabo in Havana, ‘Román’ is one of the most sought after percussionists in New York City today. Moní Bonkó of the lodge Ápapa Umóni Ekueritonkó of Havana.

Angel Guerrero, of el barrio de Pogolotti, Havana. Aberiñán of the lodge Itia Mukandá Efó. In 2000, he was lead chanter on Ibiono, the first full Abakuá CD in Havana. He currently lives in Miami, where he founded of the annual Abakuá Festival.

Vanessa Lindberg of Gloucester, Mass. She studied for many years with the leaders of the Bríkamo tradition in Matanzas city, Cuba, and is the mother of Divina Ayé.

Clemente Medina, from Havana. Currently living in New York City, as a professional percussionist.

Sandy Pérez of el barrio de la Marina, Matanzas city. From the Villamil family that founded the Cabido de Sta. Teresa in the 1800s. Eribangandó of the lodge Efí Kunanbére.

Sandy Pérez plays Bonkó to communicate with the Íreme, accompanied by (L to R) 'Román', Mbe Tazi, and Asam-Eyong. Ivor Miller photo.

Diosdado Rodríguez of Guanabacoa, Havana. Nkóboro of the lodge Eklé Ntáti (1840). He is the son of singer Adriano Rodríguez, and nephew of Giraldo Rodríguez, Olú Añá (leader of sacred Batá drums).

Philip Mbe Tazi IX of Fontem, Cameroon. He is the traditional ruler of Njeh-Mveh village in Fontem. His father Mbe Tazi Ate'awung VIII was an important informant for Robert Brain, who wrote important books on Bangwa cultural heritage, such as Bangwa funerary sculpture, Robert Brain & Adam Pollock, University of Toronto Press, 1971.

David Virelles of Santiago de Cuba. Currently working in New York City as a professional pianist, his album Mboko won many awards in the jazz competitions of USA and Europe.

After the Cuban-Cameroon presentation, we were happily surprised with a spontaneous performance on piano by maestro David Virelles, dialoging with the African and Cuban percussionists. Truly, this inherited trans-Atlantic culture is not a thing of the past, but of the future!

David Virelles, piano, with the Cuban-Cameroon team. Ivor Miller photo.

Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this report do not necessarily represent those of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Trans-Atlantic Folklore from Nigeria and Cuba: Defense of Community and Historical Memory

Ùkwà play during the traditional rites for Etubom Ekeng Abia Ewa, Calabar South, Cross River State. I. Miller photograph, 2016

In the port city of Calabar in southeastern Nigeria, the Ùkwà play as performed today offers remarkable examples of images and practices that were part of trans-Atlantic cultural history centuries ago. Ùkwà play includes several types of masquerades, percussion, warriors with machetes, as well as mock sword fights with hilted backswords (using a straight single blade) styled after those brought from the 1500s onwards by Portuguese traders in the Gulf of Guinea. Portuguese also imported such swords into India, where they became known as “Firangi,” an Arabic term for a western European person. In the following image from Calabar, a sword fighter holding a rapier moves to percussion during an Ùkwà procession, supported by machete wielding members, with women and children in the rear.

Ùkwà procession, Urua Etak Ùyó village, Odukpani L.G.A. I. Miller photograph 2009

Ùkwà is an initiation club, meaning that aspirants must pass through a ritualized process to join. Ùkwà performance includes both danger and jesting, and is usually displayed at the chieftaincy ceremonies or the funerary rites of Ùkwà members, or during annual community celebrations.

M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ masquerade during Ùkwà play, Calabar South. I. Miller photograph 2016

The Ùkwà masquerade in the above photograph is called M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́, meaning “skull” in Èfịk (Goldie 1874: 598). The name refers to the top half of a human skull crowning the masquerader’s head, covered in red camwood chalk to evoke energy and vitality.

Bird’s eye view of the M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ “skull” with red camwood that crowns the masker. Urua Etak Ùyó village, Odukpani L.G.A. I. Miller photograph 2009

In the National Museum, Lagos, an M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ costume had the following information: 


Caption for the M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ masquerade, National Museum, Lagos. I. Miller photograph 2009

The above caption reports a spiritual aspect to Ùkwà play (not “Nquai” as written), in addition to its reputation as a “war dance,” related to community defense. The reference to a person captured under the abundant cloth of the body-mask implies that bystanders should keep a respectful distance from the mask.

The M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ masker greets the Obong Ùkwà (“Chief Priest”) during a procession.
Urua Etak Ùyó village, Odukpani L.G.A. I. Miller photograph 2009

Click on this link to see an unedited eight minute video an Ùkwà play including an M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ costume: Ukwa Play, Calabar South, Part 1

Other masquerades used in Ùkwà play are the “skin-covered helmet masks” documented in the 1980s by Keith Nicklin and Jill Salmons outside Calabar. They reported seeing a “skin-covered helmet mask . . . together with a male janus-faced helmet mask, and a human skull, Nkpokporo, with nya ekpo [garden egg] seeds inserted in the eye sockets. These masks were used during the funerals of members of the Ukwa society, and also at the installation of a chief. . . . Nkpokporo was said always to precede the male helmet mask, which in turn goes before the female one, during these performances” (1988: 131).

Skin-covered helmet mask during Ùkwà play, Efut Ibonda community.
Nicklin & Salmons (1988)

Ùkwà play is undoubtedly a centuries-old practice, but it seems to have been first documented by early British colonists in Calabar. The following postcard from Calabar, early 1900s, is a photograph of Ùkwà play, evident from the sword-bearing dancers at lower left. Also seen at center-right is an Okpon ibot “big head” masquerade, whose neck is wrapped with palm fronds, body covered in cloth, surrounded by attendants. In the background at center-left is another masquerade that seems to be M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ with a human skull on its crown.

Postcard from Calabar, posted 1915. Holly Ross Postcard Collection

In 1912, British District Officer A. Talbot reported a “skin-covered helmet mask”— such as those reported by Nicklin and Salmons 75 years later — in the Ǹgbè (Ékpè) “leopard” society performance of the Éjághám-speakers of Oban:

“The so-called ‘image’ is a figure robed from crown to heel in a long garment, of the colour proper to the grade, and pierced with eyeholes. It usually bears on its head a wooden framework covered with skin and shaped like a human head, often with two faces, one male and the other female” (Talbot 1912: 44).

The following example of a skin-covered helmet mask is from the archives of the National Museum, Lagos. In performance, it would have had plumed-rods to represent the coiffure as in the previous Efut Ibonda example.

Skin-covered helmet mask, National Museum, Lagos. I. Miller photograph, 2009

Keith Nicklin wrote: “Skin-covered masks are restricted in distribution to the Cross River region of Nigeria and Cameroun, and are believed to have originated among the Ejagham forest people” (Nicklin 1977: 22). Whatever their ethnic precedence, skin-covered masks seem to be a lost art, examples of which are found mostly in western museums, with a few remaining relics still found in Cross River region hinterland communities. Today, while the helmet masks are still performed, they are no longer covered in skin, as in the following two examples:

Male and female Okpon ibot “big head” helmet masks during Ùkwà play, Calabar South. I. Miller photograph 2016

“Big head” helmet mask performed during Calabar Carnival. I. Miller photograph 2009

Click on this link to see an unedited 6:41 minute video an Ukwa play including an M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ costume and the male and female Okpon ibot "big head helmet masks": Ukwa Play, Calabar South, Part 2

In addition to Ùkwà play by the Èfịk of Calabar, the “Qua” communities (= colonial spelling of Kúọ̀) have a variation of the M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ “skull” body-mask that is played during community-wide events such as the coronation of a traditional leaders. In 2008 during the coronation of the Ntoe (Village Head) of Ikot Ansa (a.k.a Nkonib by the Kúọ̀), the M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ body-mask represented the “first born son” of the former Ntoe, while the fern leaf covered Nsibidi masks represented the “second born sons”; both groups stage mock battles over inheritance rights.

M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ body-mask at the Osam Mgbe, Ikot Ansa (Nkonib), Calabar Municipality. I. Miller photograph 2008.

Community Defense

Every community in the Cross River region has a method of defense against invasion. Most communities have age-grades that are assigned to work duties and defense. If Ùkwà play is a “war dance” for the lower Cross River region, the middle Cross River region has analogous initiation clubs for defense, namely the Obam play practiced in the Yakurr region. Like the Ùkwà M̀kpọ́kpọ́rọ́ masquerade, the Obam masquerade is crowned with a human skull. It also has an iron chain around its waist that is held by one or two attendants to control its movements. The Obam mask holds a shield in the left hand, and a sharp double-edge machete in the right. During research in Yakurr (Yakö) in the 1930s, British anthropologist Daryll Forde experienced the difficulties in learning about initiation clubs:

"Another independent ward-organized association known as Obam has existed in most, if not all, the villages, but I was unable to observe its activities while I was among the Yakö in the thirties and members would give little information. . . . Its ceremonies included performances by two dancers wearing masks in which skulls were incorporated" (Forde 1964: 160).

Obam mask with attendant, Ugep. Archives of Chief James Archibong Omini, Ketabebe Ijom Ward, Ugep community, Yakurr, L.G.A.

Cross River Region Diaspora

Both Ùkwà and Obam plays become relevant while contemplating the West African sources of the Cuban Abakuá, whose tradition includes an Íreme (body-mask) called Nkóboro who is the protector of Ékue, the “heart” of the Abakuá society. Lydia Cabrera wrote two phrases in this regard: “Nkóboro officiates in the consecration . . . making sure that the rites are adhered to” (Cabrera 1975: 22); “Ireme Nkóboro is the Íreme who must accompany the Eribó and Ekue” (Cabrera 1988: 239). Additionally, the classic Abakua-rumba composition “Protesta Carabalí” by Reinaldo Brito del Valle (recorded by Yoruba Andabo, 1993), evokes the presence of Abakuá in the context of the revolutionary wars against Spain. It contains the phrase “Ekue Nkóboro” to evoke Nkóboro’s role as the protector of Ékue. In the Cuban colonial period, Nkóboro would carry a machete in processions, acting as defender. Today, the Nkóboro performer carries a wooden representation of a metal machete to symbolize its role.
    The following image shows a rare Cuban document with a drawing of a body-mask used in Abakuá practice during the colonial period, crowned with a human skull as in the West African Ùkwà and Obam plays.

Drawing of an Abakuá body-mask in Cuba, 1900s. Manuscript from an anonymous archive. I. Miller photograph

Finally, the Cuban Abakuá drum called the Sése Eribó has several characteristics that align it to the “big head” masquerades of the Ùkwà play, as well as to other Cross River region displays where women are represented. The plumed rods around its rim represent the coiffure of a royal lady, while the drum body — which represents the head of the mythic woman who participated in the founding of Abakuá — is typically covered in skin, either real or symbolic. The following image shows a Sése Eribó drum made by Abakuá leader Felipe García Villamil of Matanzas, Cuba. The drum body is covered with cloth patterned after leopard skin.

Sése Eribó drum made by Felipe García Villamil, Bronx, New York, 1990s. I. Miller photograph

The idea of a symbolic head created as a drum is common in the Cross River region, for example this skin-covered helmet mask, which would have had plumed-rods rising from its crown during performance:

Side and top views of a “helmet mask” with drum head, Calabar. Archives of the National Museum, Lagos. I. Miller photograph 2009

To conclude, as Cuban scholar Fernando Ortiz argued in his classic study in 1951, Los bailes y el teatro de los negros en el folklore de Cuba (The Dances and Theater of the Blacks in Cuban Folklore), one can observe cultural history in action by studying ritual performance. In the case of Ùkwà play, we find swords styled on those brought by early Portuguese traders to the West African coast; we also find ritual objects and performance styles in Cuba that derived from the port city of Calabar, from where many forced migrants departed in the 1700-1800s. Such evidence is relevant towards understanding the recreation of African-based institutions in Caribbean history, created by organized migrants who sought to defend their historical memory and transmit it to their children.

For help during research, thanks to Mayo Adediran, Inyang Effiong Akpan, Chief Eyoma Edet, Dr. Ako Essien-Eyo, ‘Ndabo’ Etim Ika, Victor Manfredi, T.J. Obi-Desch, Holly Ross, Robert Farris Thompson, Bassey Bassey Umo, the family of H.R.H. Etubom Ekeng Abia Ewa, as well as Professor James Epoke and Professor Zana I. Akpagu, the former and present Vice-Chancellors of the University of Calabar.

Sources
Cabrera, Lydia. 1975. Anaforuana: Ritual y símbolos de la iniciación en la sociedad secreta Abakuá. Madrid: Ediciones Madrid.

Cabrera, Lydia. 1988. La Lengua Sagrada de los Ñañigos. Miami: Colección del Chicherekú en el exilio.

Forde, Daryll. 1964. Yakö Studies. London: Oxford University Press.

Goldie, Hugh. 1874/1964. A Dictionary of the Efik Language, in Two Parts. 1. Efïk and English. 2. English and Efik. Reprint. Westmead, England: Gregg Press (Original 1862).

Nicklin, Keith. 1974. “Nigerian Skin Covered Masks.” African Arts. November. vol. 7, no. 3.

Nicklin, Keith. 1977. Guide to the National Museum, Oron. Oron: National Museum.

Nicklin, Keith & Jill Salmons. 1988. “Ikem: the History of a Masquerade in Southeast Nigeria.” West African masks and cultural systems. Ed., Sidney Littlefield Kasfir. Tervuren, Belgique: Musée Royal d’Afrique Centrale. Pages 123-149.

Ortiz, Fernando. 1951/1981. Los bailes y el teatro de los negros en el folklore de Cuba. La Habana: Letras Cubanas.

Röschenthaler, Ute M. 2011. Purchasing Culture: The Dissemination of Associations in the Cross River Region of Cameroon and Nigeria. Trenton, NJ: African World Press.

Talbot, Percy Amaury. 1912. In the Shadow of the Bush. London: William Heinemann.